【英语中国】欧洲如何与中国共处?

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所属分类:双语中国

2013-12-10 08:51

小艾摘要: David Cameron could scarcely have crouched any lower during this week’s visit to China. For his compatriots, the British prime minister’s enthusiastic self-abasement was, well, embarrassing. It did ...
David Cameron could scarcely have crouched any lower during this week’s visit to China. For his compatriots, the British prime minister’s enthusiastic self-abasement was, well, embarrassing. It did not change anything. Before Mr Cameron had boarded his flight home China’s state-controlled media was characterising Britain as an insignificant relic, of passing interest to tourists and students.

In so far as it might have served a broader purpose, the trip instead offered an excruciating example of the muddle of high-mindedness, mercantilism and subservience that often describes European responses to China’s rise. A continent mired in economic troubles is desperate to sell more to the world’s second-largest economy. But how to reconcile this with upholding a broader set of European values and interests?

Mr Cameron’s visit coincided with a dangerous escalation in tensions in the East China Sea following Beijing’s attempt to grab control of the air space above the Japanese-administered Senkaku Islands. Its recent declaration of an expansive air defence identification zone marks another turn in a ratchet designed to wrest the islands, which China calls the Diaoyu, from Tokyo’s control.

Britain, though a permanent member of the UN Security Council, apparently has nothing to say on an issue that has significantly increased the risk of conflict in the region. After some grumbling, the government agreed to sign off on a joint EU statement criticising Beijing’s unilateral action, but Mr Cameron was determined the issue should not dilute the sales pitch of the 100-odd business leaders who arrived with him in Beijing.

The prime minister seemed equally reluctant to engage his hosts on human rights, and acquiesced when one of the journalists in his party was barred from attending a press event with Li Keqiang, the Chinese premier. Last year Beijing froze high-level contacts between the two countries after Mr Cameron met the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet. Nothing was to be allowed to spoil this trip.

It was left to Joe Biden, who flew in as Mr Cameron departed, to talk to Xi Jinping, the Chinese president, about serious matters such as military miscalculation in the East China Sea. Publicly, the US vice-president has walked a line between criticising China for raising tensions and restraining Japan from a precipitate response. Washington, though, must be well aware that the announcement of the air defence zone is as much a challenge to US power in the western Pacific as a provocation to Japan.

Britain is not alone among European nations in leaving burdensome matters about war and peace to the Americans while pursuing mercantilist approaches to China. When Mr Li visited Angela Merkel in Berlin this year the German chancellor sought to ingratiate herself by attacking EU plans to impose duties on imports of Chinese solar panels. German officials still look sheepish when reminded of the episode. The French are also apt to put business before geopolitics when they visit Beijing.

What marked out Mr Cameron’s trip was the egregious kowtowing. William Hague, the foreign secretary, had sought a more balanced approach – respectful of China, but self-respecting of Britain’s right to voice its opinions and promote its values. He was outgunned by the prime minister’s overeagerness for an audience with Mr Xi and the anxiety of George Osborne, the chancellor of the exchequer, to give a fillip to Britain’s flagging exports.

The curious thing is that governments know in their hearts that they gain little or nothing from such tactics. German business does well in China because it makes lots of things that the Chinese want to buy. Mr Cameron says that billions of pounds worth of deals were done as a result of his visit. The reality is that British companies will prosper only in so far as they have something to offer at the right price. Beijing, as I heard one senior European official remark this week, is not in the habit of rewarding weakness.

European governments now find themselves colluding in China’s divide-and-rule approach to the continent. By promising to advantage Germany or France, Beijing worries Britain and Italy and encourages smaller eastern European states to club together to start a separate dialogue. In theory, the EU has a “strategic partnership” with China.

It is an empty shell. The last thing Beijing wants is an EU that speaks with one voice. Such a Europe might run ahead of itself.

Mr Cameron’s trip paid homage to a view that there is nothing much European governments can do in east Asia save serve as marketing managers for their domestic businesses. They have neither the diplomatic weight nor the military heft to make an impression in the region. Best leave the heavy lifting to the Americans.

This approach ignores Europe’s fundamental interests – strategic and commercial – in helping to shape the nature of China’s rise. One path sees an assertive Beijing heading for an unavoidable clash with its neighbours and with the US. Another imagines a China that, for all its determination to gain acceptance as a great power, recognises its interests are best served by agreeing co-operative security arrangements.

Europe should have something to say about this choice. It remains one of the world’s richest, most powerful regions. It also has plenty of painful experience of what can happen when a rising power disturbs the status quo. Mr Cameron in future would do best to leave the globetrotting to his foreign secretary.

戴维?卡梅伦(David Cameron)上周访问中国时,腰弯得简直不能再低。在英国民众看来,英国首相这副激情自贬的猥琐样让人难堪。这样做改变不了什么。卡梅伦尚未登机回国,中国官方控制的媒体就已经称,英国只不过是“一个欧洲老牌国家,适合旅游和留学”。

至于说卡梅伦此行可能服务于某种全局目标,实际上此次访问让人痛苦地看到,高贵、重商主义和奉承被毫无章法地结合在一起——这往往是欧洲对中国崛起的反应。深陷经济困境的欧洲迫切希望向全球第二大经济体增加出口。但如何将这个目标与坚持欧洲价值观体系和利益协调起来呢?

卡梅伦此次出访正值东中国海紧张局势出现危险升级,中国试图控制日本管辖的尖阁诸岛(Senkaku Islands)的空域。最近中国宣布划设一个庞大的防空识别区,标志着逐步升级的对日本施压进入一个新阶段,目的是从日本手中夺取这些岛屿——中国称其为钓鱼岛及其附属岛屿——的控制权。

尽管英国是联合国安理会(UN Security Council)的一个常任理事国,但在显著增加地区冲突风险的这个问题上,英国显然无话要说。经过一些抱怨后,英国政府勉强同意签署欧盟(EU)一项批评北京单边行动的联合声明,但卡梅伦坚决不让这个问题冲淡随同他抵达北京的100多位商界领袖的推销攻势。

卡梅伦首相似乎同样不愿意向东道主提及人权问题。当随同他访华的一名记者被禁止参加他与中国总理李克强共同举行的新闻发布会时,卡梅伦默不作声。去年卡梅伦会晤西藏精神领袖达赖喇嘛后,中国曾冻结两国的高层接触。决不能让任何事情破坏此次访问。

卡梅伦离开后,乔?拜登(Joe Biden)抵达北京,与中国国家主席习近平讨论严肃问题,比如东海的军事误判。在公开场合,美国副总统在批评中国加剧紧张和约束日本不要仓促回应之间谨慎拿捏。然而,华盛顿方面肯定清醒地意识到,中国宣布划设防空识别区,既是对日本的挑衅,也是对西太平洋美国强势地位发起的挑战。

在欧洲,英国并不是唯一在对华关系上采取重商主义姿态,而将有关战争与和平的繁重事务交给美国的国家。今年早些时候李克强出访柏林,与安格拉?默克尔(Angela Merkel)会晤时,德国总理为了迎合中国,指责了欧盟对进口中国太阳能电池板征收关税的计划。在提到这件事的时候,德国官员至今仍有点不好意思。在访问中国的时候,法国领导人往往也会把商业置于地缘政治之上。

卡梅伦此行的特点是叩头叩得过火。英国外交大臣威廉?黑格(William Hague)曾寻求采取一种更加平衡的姿态:尊重中国,但也保持自尊,坚守英国发言和推介自身价值观的权利。但黑格的意见被否决了,因为首相迫切想要与习近平会晤,因为财相乔治?奥斯本(George Osborne)急于提振英国疲弱的出口。

奇怪的地方在于,欧洲各国政府内心明白,他们从这样的战术得不到什么好处。德国企业在中国做得不错,因为他们生产很多中国人想买的东西。卡梅伦说,他的出访成就了数十亿英镑的订单。而实际情况是,英国企业只有拿出合适的价格才能做成生意。上周我听到一位欧洲高级官员说,北京方面没有回报弱者的习惯。

欧洲各国政府现在发现,他们自己在配合中国对欧洲采取分而治之的策略。中国承诺优待德国和法国,从而让英国和意大利心情紧张,并鼓励较小的东欧国家抱团开启另一场对话。理论上说,欧盟与中国建立了“战略伙伴”关系。但这是一个空壳子。中国最不想看到的就是欧洲立场一致。这样的欧洲可能“不自量力”。

卡梅伦的访问强化了这样一种观点:除了充当本国企业的营销经理外,欧洲各国政府在东亚无所作为。他们既没有外交份量也没有军事底气在该地区树立深刻印象。因此最好还是把重任交给美国吧。

这种方式忽视了欧洲在帮助影响中国崛起性质方面的根本利益——包括战略上和商业上的根本利益。一种可能是,强硬的中国将走上与邻国和美国陷入不可避免的冲突的道路。另一种可能是,中国虽然决心成为一个受到认可的强国,但也意识到,同意合作性的安全安排符合其最大利益。

欧洲对于这样的选择应当有话可说。它依然是世界最富有、最强大的地区之一。对于一个崛起的强国挑战现状会产生什么后果,欧洲也有大量痛苦经历。以后卡梅伦最好还是将出访任务交给外交大臣。

译者/王慧玲

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